The Life of Vice President John C. Breckinridge
The nominee, John Cabell Breckinridge, was thirty-six years old—just a year over
the constitutional minimum age for holding the office—and his election would make him the youngest vice president in
American history. John Breckinridge was cousin to Mary Todd, wife of Abraham Lincoln.
|John C. Breckinridge
|Library of Congress
An Illustrious Political Family
Born at "Cabell's Dale," the Breckinridge family estate near Lexington, Kentucky,
on January 16, 1821, John Cabell Breckinridge was named for his father and grandfather. The father, Joseph Cabell Breckinridge,
a rising young politician, died at the state capital at the age of thirty-five. Left without resources, his wife took her
children back to Cabell's Dale to live with their grandmother, known affectionately as "Grandma Black Cap." She often regaled
the children with stories of their grandfather, the first John Breckinridge, who, in addition to introducing the Kentucky
Resolutions that denounced the Alien and Sedition Acts, had helped secure the Louisiana Purchase and had served during the administration of Thomas Jefferson--first as a Senate leader and then as attorney general. The
grandfather might well have become president one day but, like his son, he died prematurely. The sense of family mission that
his grandmother imparted shaped young John C. Breckinridge's self-image and directed him towards a life in public office.
The family also believed strongly in education, since Breckinridge's maternal grandfather, Samuel Stanhope Smith, had served
as president of the College of New Jersey at Princeton, and his uncle Robert J. Breckinridge started Kentucky's public school
system. The boy attended the Presbyterian Centre College in Danville, Kentucky, where he received his bachelor's degree at
seventeen. He then attended Princeton before returning to Lexington to study law at Transylvania University.
A tall, strikingly handsome young
man with a genial air and a powerful voice, considered by many "a perfect gentleman," Breckinridge set out to make his fortune
on the frontier. In 1841, he and his law partner Thomas W. Bullock settled in the Mississippi River town of Burlingame, in the Iowa Territory. Breckinridge might have entered politics and pursued a career relatively free from the divisive issue of slavery, but Iowa's fierce
winter gave him influenza and made him homesick for Kentucky. When he returned home on a visit in 1843, he met and
soon married Mary Cyrene Burch of Georgetown. The newlyweds settled in Georgetown, and Breckinridge opened a law office in
A Rapid Political Rise
When the Mexican War began, Breckinridge volunteered to serve as an officer in a Kentucky infantry regiment. In Mexico, Major Breckinridge won
the support of his troops for his acts of kindness, being known to give up his horse to sick and footsore soldiers. After
six months in Mexico City, he returned to Kentucky and to an almost inevitable political career. In 1849, while still only
twenty-eight years old, he won a seat in the state house of representatives. In that election, as in all his campaigns, he
demonstrated both an exceptional ability as a stump speaker and a politician's memory for names and faces. Shortly after the
election, he met for the first time the Illinois legislator who had married his cousin Mary Todd. Abraham Lincoln, while visiting his wife's family in Lexington, paid courtesy calls on the city's lawyers. Lincoln and Breckinridge became
friends, despite their differences in party and ideology. Breckinridge was a Jacksonian Democrat in a state that
Senator Henry Clay had made a Whig bastion. In 1851, Breckinridge shocked
the Whig party by winning the congressional race in Clay's home district, a victory that also brought him to the attention
of national Democratic leaders. He arrived in Congress shortly after the passage of Clay's Compromise of 1850, which had sought to settle the issue of slavery in the territories. Breckinridge became a spokesman for the proslavery Democrats,
arguing that the federal government had no right to interfere with slavery anywhere, either in the District of Columbia or
in any of the territories. Breckinridge, moreover, believed that each state should determine its own internal affairs.
Since Breckinridge defended both the Union and slavery, people viewed him
as a moderate. The Pennsylvania newspaper publisher and political adventurer John W. Forney
insisted that when Breckinridge came to Congress "he was in no sense an extremist." Forney recalled how the young Breckinridge
spoke with great respect about Texas Senator Sam Houston, who denounced the dangers and evils of slavery. But Forney thought
that Breckinridge "was too interesting a character to be neglected by the able ultras of the South. They saw in his winning
manners, attractive appearance, and rare talent for public affairs, exactly the elements they needed in their concealed designs
against the country." People noted that his uncle, Robert Breckinridge, was a prominent antislavery man, and that as a state
legislator Breckinridge had aided the Kentucky Colonization Society (a branch of the American Colonization Society), dedicated
to gradual emancipation and the resettlement of free blacks outside the United States. They suspected that he held private
concerns about the morality of slavery and that he supported gradual emancipation. Yet, while Breckinridge was no planter
or large slaveholder, he owned a few household slaves and idealized the Southern way of life. He willingly defended slavery
and white supremacy against all critics.
The Kansas-Nebraska Controversy
In Congress, Breckinridge became an ally of Illinois Senator Stephen A. Douglas. When Douglas introduced the Kansas Nebraska Act of 1854, which repealed the Missouri Compromise of 1820 and left the issue of slavery in the territories to the settlers themselves—a policy known as "Popular Sovereignty"—Breckinridge worked hard to enact the legislation. Going to the White House, he served as a broker between Douglas
and President Franklin Pierce, persuading the president to support the bill. He also spoke in the House in favor of leaving
the settlers "free to form their own institutions, and enter the Union with or without slavery, as their constitutions should
During those debates in March 1854, the normally even-tempered Breckinridge
exchanged angry words on the House floor with Democratic Representative Francis B. Cutting of New York, almost provoking a
duel. "They were a high-strung pair," commented Breckinridge's friend Forney. Cutting accused Breckinridge of ingratitude
toward the North, where he had raised campaign funds for his tough reelection campaign in 1853. Breckinridge, "his eyes flashing
fire," interrupted Cutting's speech, denied his charges, denounced his language, and demanded an apology. When Cutting refused,
Breckinridge interpreted this as a challenge to a duel. He proposed that they meet near Silver Spring, the nearby Maryland
home of his friend Francis P. Blair, and that they duel with western rifles. The New Yorker objected that he had never handled
a western rifle and that as the challenged party he should pick the weapons. Once it became clear that neither party considered
himself the challenger, they gained a face-saving means of withdrawing from the "code of honor" without fighting the duel.
When the two next encountered each other in the House, Breckinridge looked his adversary in the eye and said: "Cutting, give
me a chew of tobacco!" The New Yorker drew a plug of tobacco from his pocket, cut off a wad for Breckinridge and another for
himself, and both returned to their desks chewing and looking happier. Those who observed the exchange compared it to the
American Indians' practice of smoking a peace pipe.
Breckinridge supported the Kansas-Nebraska Act in the hope that it would take
slavery in the territories out of national politics, but the act had entirely the opposite effect. Public outrage throughout
the North caused the Whig party to collapse and new antislavery parties, the Republican and the American (Know-Nothing) parties,
to rise in its wake. When the spread of Know-Nothing lodges in his district jeopardized his chances of reelection in 1855,
Breckinridge declined to run for a third term. He also rejected President Pierce's nomination to serve as minister to Spain
and negotiate American annexation of Cuba, despite the Senate's confirmation of his appointment. Citing his wife's poor health
and his own precarious finances, Breckinridge returned to Kentucky. Land speculation in the West helped him accumulate a considerable
amount of money during his absence from politics.
The Youngest Vice President
As the Democratic convention approached in 1856, the three leading contenders—President
Pierce, Senator Douglas, and former Minister to Great Britain James Buchanan—all courted Breckinridge. He attended the
convention as a delegate, voting first for Pierce and then switching to Douglas. When Douglas withdrew as a gesture toward
party unity, the nomination went to Buchanan. The Kentucky delegation nominated former House Speaker Linn Boyd for vice president.
Then a Louisiana delegate nominated Breckinridge. Gaining the floor, Breckinridge declined to run against his delegation's
nominee, but his speech deeply impressed the convention. One Arkansas delegate admired "his manner, his severely simple style
of delivery with scarcely an ornament [or] gesture and deriving its force and eloquence solely from the remarkably choice
ready flow of words, the rich voice and intonation." The delegate noted that "every member seemed riveted to his seat and
each face seemed by magnetic influence to be directed to him." When Boyd ran poorly on the first ballot, the convention switched
to Breckinridge and nominated him on the second ballot. Although Tennessee's Governor
Andrew Johnson grumbled that Breckinridge's lack of national reputation would hurt the
ticket, Buchanan's managers were pleased with the choice. They thought Breckinridge would appease Douglas, since the
two men had been closely identified through their work on the Kansas-Nebraska Act. Being present at the convention, Breckinridge
was prevailed upon to make a short acceptance speech, thanking the delegates for the nomination, endorsing Buchanan and the
platform, and reaffirming his position as a "state's rights man." The nominee was thirty-six years old—just a year over
the constitutional minimum age for holding the office—and his election would make him the youngest vice president in
Breckinridge spent most of the campaign in Kentucky, but he gave speeches
in Ohio, Indiana, and Michigan, defending the Kansas-Nebraska Act. The election was a three-way race among the Democrats under
Buchanan, the Republicans under John Charles Frémont, and the Know-Nothings under former
President Millard Fillmore. Denouncing the antislavery policies of the Republicans and Know-Nothings, Breckinridge described
himself not as proslavery but as a defender of the people's constitutional right (See: United States Constitution) to make their own territorial laws, a position that caused some Deep
South extremists to accuse him of harboring abolitionist views. In November, Democrats carried all the slaveholding states except Maryland (which went Know-Nothing) and enough Northern
states to win the election. Breckinridge was proud that Kentucky voted for a Democratic presidential ticket for the first
time since 1828.
Strained Relations with Buchanan
Buchanan won the nomination and election primarily because nobody knew
where he stood on the issues, since he had been out of the country for the past three years as minister to England. Although
his supporters promoted him as "the man for the crisis," Buchanan was in fact the worst man for the crisis.
Narrow, secretive, petty, vindictive, and blind to corruption within his administration, he proved unable to bind together
either the factions of his party or the regions of his nation. A poor winner, Buchanan distrusted
his rivals for the nomination and refused to invite Stephen Douglas to join his cabinet or to take seriously Douglas'
patronage requests. Similarly snubbed, Breckinridge quickly discovered that he held less influence with Buchanan as vice president
than he had as a member of the House with Pierce.
Viewing Breckinridge as part of the Pierce-Douglas faction, Buchanan almost
never consulted him, and rarely invited him to the White House for either political or social gatherings. Early in the new
administration, when the vice president asked for a private interview with the president, he was told instead to call at the
White House some evening and ask to see Buchanan's niece and hostess, Harriet Lane. Taking this as a rebuff, the proud Kentuckian
left town without calling on either Miss Lane or the president. His friends reported his resentment to Buchanan, and in short
order three of the president's confidants wrote to tell Breckinridge that it had been a mistake. A request to see Miss Lane
was really a password to admit a caller to see her uncle. How Breckinridge could have known this, they did not explain. In
fact, the vice president had no private meetings with the president for over three years.
The new vice president bought property in the District of Columbia and
planned to construct, along with his good friends Senator Douglas and Senator Henry Rice of Minnesota, three large, expensive,
connected houses at New Jersey Avenue and I Street that would become known as "Minnesota Row." Before the construction was
completed, however, the friendship had become deeply strained when Douglas fell out with President Buchanan over slavery in
Kansas. A proslavery minority there had sent to Washington a new territorial constitution—known as the Lecompton
Constitution. Buchanan threw his weight behind the Lecompton Constitution as a device for admitting Kansas as a state and
defusing the explosive issue of slavery in the territory. But Douglas objected that
the Lecompton Constitution made a mockery out of popular sovereignty and warned that he would fight it as a fraud. Recalling
the way Andrew Jackson had dealt with his opponents, Buchanan said, "Mr. Douglas, I desire you
to remember that no Democrat ever yet differed from an Administration of his choice without being crushed." To which
Douglas replied, "Mr. President, I wish you to remember that General Jackson is dead." Between these two poles, the vice president
vainly sought to steer a neutral course. He sided with Buchanan on the Lecompton Constitution but endorsed Douglas for reelection
to the Senate.
An Impartial Presiding Officer
As vice president in such a turbulent era, Breckinridge won respect for presiding
gracefully and impartially over the Senate. On January 4, 1859, when the Senate met for the last time in its old chamber,
he used the occasion to deliver an eloquent appeal for national unity. During its half century in the chamber, the Senate
had grown from thirty-two to sixty-four members. The expansion of the nation forced them to move to a new, more spacious chamber.
During those years, he observed, the Constitution had "survived peace and war, prosperity and adversity" to protect "the larger
personal freedom compatible with public order." He recalled the legislative labors of Henry Clay, Daniel Webster, and John
C. Calhoun, whose performance in that chamber challenged their successors "to give the Union a destiny not unworthy of the
past." He trusted that in the future "another Senate, in another age, shall bear to a new and larger Chamber, this Constitution
vigorous and inviolate, and that the last generation of posterity shall witness the deliberations of the Representatives of
American States, still united, prosperous, and free." The vice president then led a procession to the new chamber. Walking
two-by-two behind him were the political and military leaders of what would soon become the Union and the Confederacy.
Breckinridge counseled against secession. A famous incident, recounted in many memoirs of the era, took place at a dinner party that the vice president attended.
South Carolina Representative Lawrence Keitt repeatedly denigrated Kentucky's compromising tendencies. Breckinridge responded
by recalling a trip he had made through South Carolina, where he met a militia officer in full military regalia. "I tell you,
sah, we can not stand it any longer; we intend to fight," said the officer. "And from what are you suffering?" asked Breckinridge.
"Why, sah, we are suffering from the oppression of the Federal Government. We have suffered under it for thirty years, and
will stand it no more." Turning to Keitt, Breckinridge advised him "to invite some of his constituents, before undertaking
the war, upon a tour through the North, if only for the purpose of teaching them what an almighty big country they will have
to whip before they get through!"
A Four-Way Race for President
Early in 1859 a New York Times correspondent in Washington wrote that
"Vice President Breckinridge stands deservedly high in public estimation, and has the character of a man slow to form resolves,
but unceasing and inexorable in their fulfillment." At a time when the Buchanan administration was falling "in prestige and
political consequence, the star of the Vice President rises higher above the clouds." Later that year, Linn Boyd died while
campaigning for the Senate, and Kentucky Democrats nominated Breckinridge for the seat, which would become vacant at the time
Breckinridge's term as vice president ended. Breckinridge may also have been harboring even greater ambitions. Although he
remained silent about the upcoming presidential campaign, many Democrats considered him a strong contender. In 1860, the Democratic
convention met in Charleston, South Carolina. Stephen Douglas was the frontrunner, but when his supporters defeated efforts
to write into the platform a plank protecting the right of slavery anywhere in the territories, the Southern delegates walked
out. They held their own convention in Baltimore and nominated Breckinridge as their presidential candidate.
For national balance, the breakaway Democrats selected Senator Joseph Lane,
a Democrat from Oregon, for vice president. Lane had spent his youth in Kentucky and Indiana and served in the Mexican War.
President James K. Polk had appointed him territorial governor of Oregon, an office he held from 1849 to 1850 before becoming
Oregon's territorial delegate to Congress in 1851. When Oregon entered the Union in 1859, he was chosen one of its first senators.
Lane's embrace of the secessionist spirit attracted him to the Southern Democrats. Had the four-way election of 1860 not been
decided by the electoral college but been thrown into Congress, the Democratic majority in the outgoing Senate might well
have elected him vice president. Instead, the race ended Lane's political career entirely, and Oregon became a Republican
Breckinridge faced a campaign against three old friends: Stephen Douglas,
the Democratic candidate; Abraham Lincoln, the Republican; and John Bell of Tennessee, the Constitutional Union party candidate.
He was not optimistic about his chances. Privately, he told Mrs. Jefferson Davis, "I trust that I have the courage to lead
a forlorn hope." At a dinner just before the nomination, Breckinridge talked of not accepting it, but Jefferson Davis persuaded
him to run. Worried that a split in the anti-Republican vote would ensure Lincoln's victory, Davis proposed a scheme by which
Breckinridge, Douglas, and Bell would agree to withdraw their candidacies in favor of a compromise candidate. Breckinridge
and Bell agreed, but Douglas refused, arguing that Northern Democrats would take Lincoln before they voted for any candidate
that the Southern firebrands had endorsed. The Illinois senator pointed out that, while not all of Breckinridge's followers
were secessionists, every secessionist was supporting him. But Breckinridge also counted on the support of the last three
Democratic presidential candidates, Lewis Cass, Franklin Pierce, and James Buchanan, as well as most of the Northern Democratic
senators and representatives. Despite these endorsements and the financial levies that the Buchanan administration made on
all Democratic officeholders for him, Breckinridge failed to carry any Northern states. In the four-way race, he placed third
in the popular vote and second in electoral votes. Most disappointingly, he lost Kentucky to Bell.
A Personal Secession
Following the election, Breckinridge returned to Washington to preside over
the Senate, hoping to persuade Southerners to abandon secession. But in December, South Carolina, Alabama, Mississippi, and
Florida left the Union. In January, Mississippi Senator Jefferson Davis and other Southerners bid a formal farewell to the
Senate. In February, Vice President Breckinridge led a procession of senators to the House chamber to count the electoral
votes, and to announce the election of Abraham Lincoln of Illinois. On March 4, Breckinridge administered the oath of office
to his successor, Hannibal Hamlin, who in turn swore him into the Senate.
When President Lincoln called Congress into special session on July 4, 1861, to raise the arms and men necessary to fight
the Civil War, Breckinridge returned to Washington as the leader of what was left of the Senate Democrats. Many in Washington
doubted that he planned to offer much support to the Union or the war effort. Breckinridge seemed out of place in the wartime
capital, after so many of his Southern friends had left. On several occasions, however, he visited his cousin Mary Todd Lincoln
at the White House.
During the special session, which lasted until August 6, 1861, Breckinridge
remained firm in his belief that the Constitution strictly limited the powers of the federal government, regardless of secession
and war. Although he wanted the Union restored, he preferred a peaceful separation rather than "endless, aimless, devastating
war, at the end of which I see the grave of public liberty and of personal freedom." The most dramatic moment of the session
occurred on August 1, when Senator Breckinridge took the floor to oppose the Lincoln administration's expansion of martial
law. As he spoke, Oregon Republican Senator Edward D. Baker entered the chamber, dressed in the blue coat of a Union army
colonel. Baker had raised and was training a militia unit known as the California Regiment. When Breckinridge finished, Baker
challenged him: "These speeches of his, sown broadcast over the land, what meaning have they? Are they not intended for disorganization
in our very midst?" Baker demanded. "Sir, are they not words of brilliant, polished treason, even in the very Capitol?" Within
months of this exchange, Senator Baker
was killed while leading his militia at the Battle of Ball's Bluff along the Potomac River, and Senator Breckinridge was wearing
the gray uniform of a Confederate officer. (See also General John Cabell Breckinridge.)
After the special session, Breckinridge
returned to Kentucky to try to keep his state neutral. He spoke at a number of peace rallies, proclaiming that, if Kentucky
took up arms against the Confederacy, then someone else must represent the state in the Senate. Despite his efforts,
pro-Union forces won the state legislative elections. When another large peace rally was scheduled for September 21, the legislature
sent a regiment to break up the meeting and arrest Breckinridge. Forewarned, he packed his bag and fled to Virginia. He could
no longer find any neutral ground to stand upon, no way to endorse both the Union and the Southern way of life. Forced to
choose sides, Breckinridge joined his friends in the Confederacy. In Richmond, he volunteered for military service, exchanging,
as he said, his "term of six years in the Senate of the United States for the musket of a soldier." On December 4, 1861, the
Senate by a 36 to 0 vote expelled the Kentucky senator, declaring that Breckinridge, "the traitor," had "joined the enemies
of his country."
Recommended Reading: Breckinridge:
Statesman, Soldier, Symbol (Southern Biography Series) (Paperback, 688 pages). Description:
C. Davis has written the only full-length biography of John C. Breckinridge, who is one of the most fascinating and yet one
of the least known figures in all of American history. Davis begins by charting Breckinridge's early years as a lawyer, his rise in Kentucky state politics and then national politics, his role as Vice-President
and his reluctant campaign for the Presidency in 1860. Davis
then provides an excellent overview of Breckinridge's career as a Confederate military leader, fighting on nearly every front
of the war and ending the war as the Confederate Secretary of State. Continued below...
Davis also gives an outstanding account of Breckinridge's dramatic escape from the country following the
Confederate defeat, which was an adventure so extraordinary that it should be made into a movie. Davis concludes his work by describing
Breckinridge's years as an exile before his final return to Kentucky
and his tragic early death. Davis is one of the nation’s
most respected Civil War historians, and this book is an excellent manifestation of his scholarly and literary gifts. Not
only is it full of information, allowing the reader to truly feel as though they have a solid understanding of Breckinridge's
life, but it is written in such a fine style that it is always entertaining and never dull.
Reading: Generals in Gray: Lives of
the Confederate Commanders. Description: When Generals in Gray was published in 1959, scholars and critics
immediately hailed it as one of the few indispensable books on the American Civil War. Historian Stanley Horn, for example,
wrote, "It is difficult for a reviewer to restrain his enthusiasm in recommending a monumental book of this high quality and
value." Here at last is the paperback edition of Ezra J. Warner’s magnum opus with its concise, detailed biographical sketches and—in an amazing feat of research—photographs of all 425 Confederate generals. Continued below...
The only exhaustive
guide to the South’s command, Generals in Gray belongs on the shelf of anyone interested in the Civil War. RATED 5 STARS!
Civil War High Commands (1040 pages) (Hardcover). Description: Based on nearly five decades
of research, this magisterial work is a biographical register and analysis of the people who most directly influenced the
course of the Civil War, its high commanders. Numbering 3,396, they include the presidents and their cabinet members, state
governors, general officers of the Union and Confederate armies (regular, provisional, volunteers,
and militia), and admirals and commodores of the two navies. Civil War High Commands will become a cornerstone reference
work on these personalities and the meaning of their commands, and on the Civil War itself. Errors of fact and interpretation
concerning the high commanders are legion in the Civil War literature, in reference works as well as in narrative accounts.
work brings together for the first time in one volume the most reliable facts available, drawn from more than 1,000 sources
and including the most recent research. The biographical entries include complete names, birthplaces, important relatives,
education, vocations, publications, military grades, wartime assignments, wounds, captures, exchanges, paroles, honors, and
place of death and interment. In addition to its main component, the biographies, the volume also includes a number of essays,
tables, and synopses designed to clarify previously obscure matters such as the definition of grades and ranks; the difference
between commissions in regular, provisional, volunteer, and militia services; the chronology of military laws and executive
decisions before, during, and after the war; and the geographical breakdown of command structures. The book is illustrated
with 84 new diagrams of all the insignias used throughout the war and with 129 portraits of the most important high commanders.
Generals in Bronze: Interviewing the Commanders of the Civil War (Hardcover).
Description: Generals in Bronze: Revealing interviews with the commanders of the Civil War. In the decades that followed the
American Civil War, Artist James E. Kelly (1855-1933) conducted in-depth interviews with over forty Union Generals in an effort
to accurately portray them in their greatest moment of glory. Kelly explained: "I had always felt a great lack of certain
personal details. I made up my mind to ask from living officers every question I would have asked Washington or his generals
had they posed for me, such as: What they considered the principal incidents in their career and particulars about costumes
and surroundings." Continued below…
During one interview session with
Gen. Joshua Lawrence Chamberlain, Kelly asked about the charge at Fort Damnation.
Gen. Chamberlain acquiesced, but then added, "I don't see how you can show this in a picture." "Just tell me the facts," Kelly
responded, "and I'll attend to the picture." And by recording those stirring facts, Kelly left us not only his wonderful art,
but a truly unique picture of the lives of the great figures of the American Civil War. About the Author: William B. Styple
has edited, co-authored, and authored several works on the Civil War. His book: "The Little Bugler" won the Young Readers'
Award from the Civil War Round Table of New York. He is currently writing the biography of Gen. Phil Kearny.
Recommended Reading: Staff Officers in Gray: A Biographical Register of the Staff Officers in the Army of Northern Virginia (Hardcover) (360 pages) (The University of North Carolina Press) (September 3, 2008). Description: This indispensable Civil War reference profiles 2,300 staff officers
in Robert E. Lee's famous Army of Northern Virginia. A typical entry
includes the officer's full name, the date and place of his birth and death, details of his education and occupation, and
a synopsis of his military record. Continued below...
provide a list of more than 3,000 staff officers who served in other armies of the Confederacy and complete rosters of known
staff officers of each general in the Army of Northern Virginia.