Monroe Doctrine Purpose
Monroe Doctrine Strategy
Monroe Doctrine Philosophy
Monroe Doctrine Policy and Objective
Monroe Doctrine of 1823 History
The Monroe Doctrine was declared in a few paragraphs of President James Monroe's seventh annual message
to Congress on December 2, 1823. Monroe warned European countries not to interfere in the Western Hemisphere, stating "that
the American continents. . .are henceforth not to be considered as subjects for future colonization by any European powers."
The Monroe Doctrine became a cornerstone of future U.S. foreign policy.
THE MONROE DOCTRINE was the fruition of early American policy. There had
long been a deep-seated conviction on the part of the people of the United States that the opportunities of a hard-won freedom
would be threatened by the ambitions of European powers and that the aims of the new nation could be achieved only by keeping
clear of the toils of European politics and strife. It was this conviction of the necessity of maintaining an independent
position, which led to the declaration of neutrality in 1793, despite the Treaty of Alliance with France, which had sprung
from the exigencies of the Revolutionary struggle. The words of Washington's Farewell Address were more than a solemn admonition;
they stated cherished principles. "The great rule of conduct for us," he said, "in regard to foreign nations, is, in extending
our commercial relations, to have with them as little political connection as possible . . .. Europe has a set of primary
interests, which to us have none, or a very remote relation. Hence she must be engaged in frequent controversies, the causes
of which are essentially foreign to our concerns. Hence therefore it must be unwise in us to implicate ourselves, by artificial
ties in the ordinary vicissitudes of her politics, or the ordinary combinations and collisions of her friendships, or enmities."
The people of the United States had watched with deep sympathy the long struggle of their southern neighbors for independence.
While Spain maintained a doubtful contest, it was regarded as a civil war, but when that contest became so desperate that
Spanish viceroys, governors, and captains-general concluded treaties with the insurgents virtually acknowledging their independence,
the United States unreservedly recognized the facts. The republic of Colombia was recognized in 1822, the Government of Buenos
Aires and the States of Mexico and Chile early in 1823. The United States was the first to recognize the independent empire
of Brazil in May 1824, not hesitating because of the political form of the Government, and this was followed by the recognition
of the Federation of Central American States in August of the same year. Meanwhile, the Holy Alliance formed by the sovereigns
of Austria, Russia and Prussia had sought to enforce the divine right of kings against the progress of liberal principles.
Joined by France, they undertook "to put an end to the system of representative government" and after France had proceeded
accordingly to restore the rule of Ferdinand VII. in Spain, it was proposed to direct their efforts to the overthrowing of
the new Governments erected out of the old colonies of Spain in the western hemisphere.
This was the situation when, in Aug. 1823, George Canning, British foreign
secretary, wrote to Richard Rush, American minister in London, suggesting a joint declaration in substance that the recovery
of the colonies by Spain was hopeless; that neither Great Britain nor the United States was aiming at the possession of any
portion of these colonies; and that they could not see with indifference any portion of them transferred to any other power.
Great Britain, however, had not at that time recognized the new States in Spanish America. President Monroe sought the advice
of Jefferson and Madison. Jefferson regarded the question as "the most momentous" which had arisen since that of Independence.
"Our first and fundamental maxim," said he "should be, never to entangle ourselves in the broils of Europe. Our second, never
to suffer Europe to intermeddle with cis-Atlantic affairs." Jefferson favored the acceptance of the British suggestion in
some form and Madison took the same view. John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State, opposed a joint declaration. He wished to
take the ground "of earnest remonstrance against the interference of the European powers by force with South America, but
to disclaim all interference on our part with Europe; to make an American cause and adhere inflexibly to that." Upon the advice
of Adams, and after mature deliberation by the president and his cabinet, it was decided to make a separate declaration on
the sole responsibility of the United States, and his declaration was formulated in the president's message of Dec. 2, 1823.
Original Statement of the Doctrine. - -The doctrine is set forth in two
paragraphs of this message.
The first of these had a genesis distinct from the situation of the former
colonies of Spain. It grew out of the question of Russian claims on the north-west coast of North America. The Russian emperor
had issued a ukase in 1821 prohibiting citizens of other nations from navigating and fishing within 100 Italian miles of the
north-west coast of North America from Bering straits to the 51st parallel of north latitude. Protests had followed. In July,
1823, Secretary Adams informed the Russian minister that the United States "should contest the right of Russia to any territorial
establishment on this continent, and that we should assume distinctly the principle that the American continents are no longer
subjects for any new European colonial establishments." It was in connection with this situation that President Monroe, after
adverting to the proposal of arranging the respective rights and interests on the north-west coast by amicable negotiations,
declared in his message:"
In the discussions to which this interest has given rise, and in the arrangements
by which they may terminate, the occasion has been judged proper for asserting as a principle in which the rights and interests
of the United States are involved, that the American continents, by the free and independent condition which they have assumed
and maintained, are henceforth not to be considered as subjects for future colonization by any European powers.
"The other paragraph of President Monroe's message bore upon the situation
of the nations to the south of the United States, as follows: "In the wars of the European powers in matters relating to themselves
we have never taken any part, nor does it comport with our policy so to do. It is only when our rights are invaded or seriously
menaced that we resent injuries or make preparation for our defence. With the movements in this hemisphere we are, of necessity,
more immediately connected, and by causes which must be obvious to all enlightened and impartial observers. The political
system of the allied powers is essentially different in this respect from that of America. . . . We owe it, therefore, to
candour, and to the amicable relations existing between the United States and those powers, to declare that we should consider
any attempt on their part to extend their system to any portion of this hemisphere as dangerous to our peace and safety. With
the existing colonies or dependencies of any European power we have not interfered and shall not interfere. But with the governments
who have declared their independence and maintained it, and whose independence we have, on great consideration and on just
principles, acknowledged, we could not view any interposition for the purpose of oppressing them, or controlling in any other
manner their destiny, by any European power, in any other light than as the manifestation of an unfriendly disposition toward
the United States. . . . It is impossible that the allied powers should extend their political system to any portion of either
continent without endangering our peace and happiness; nor can any one believe that our southern brethren, if left to themselves,
would adopt it of their own accord. It is equally impossible, therefore, that we should behold such interposition, in any
form with indifference. "The message, so far as it related to the revolted Spanish colonies, had widespread approval in England.
Three years later, Canning made his famous boast that he had "called the New World into existence to redress the balance of
the Old." There was, indeed, general agreement between the sentiments of the Governments of Great Britain and the United States
as to the Spanish colonies, but this was qualified, as Canning himself had pointed out, by the important difference that the
United States had acknowledged the independence of the new Governments and the British Government had not. With the portion
of President Monroe's message relating to future colonization, which lay outside the purview of Canning's suggestion, Canning
was not in sympathy. This proposal was as new to the British Government as it was to France. The basis of the objection on
the part of the United States to future colonization by European powers was found in the fact, as John Quincy Adams said later,
when president, that "With the exception of the existing European colonies, which it was in no wise intended to disturb, the
two continents consisted of several sovereign and independent nations, whose territories covered their whole surface. By this,
their independent condition, the United States enjoyed the right of commercial intercourse with every part of their possessions.
To attempt the establishment of a colony in those possessions would be to usurp to the exclusion of others a commercial intercourse
which was the common possession of all." Manifestly, it was not intended to assert that there were no unoccupied lands, for
there were vast regions of territory not actually settled by the subjects of civilized powers, but the declaration proceeded
in the view "that the several American territorial sovereigns enjoyed by virtue of constructive occupation, exclusive rights
of ownership and sovereignty which should be respected."
Later Extension or Modification.
Not only did the statesmen of the United States fear the extension of European
colonization, but they viewed with deep concern the possibility of the transfer of American territory from one European power
to another, or the transfer of such territory from an American to a non-American power. In 1811, the Congress of the United
States passed a resolution as to East Florida, stating that "considering the influence which the destiny of the territory
adjoining the southern border of the United States may have upon their security, tranquillity, and commerce," the United States
could not, "without serious inquietude, see any part of the said territory pass into the hands of any foreign power." The
declarations in the messages of President Polk in 1845 and 1848 were so closely associated with the doctrine announced by
Monroe that they may be deemed to fall within the same governing principle. With reference to the case of Yucatan, when the
authorities of the country offered to transfer the dominion and sovereignty to the United States and at the same time made
a similar offer to Great Britain and Spain, President Polk said: "Whilst it is not my purpose to recommend the adoption of
any measure, with a view to the acquisition of the 'dominion and sovereignty' over Yucatan, yet, according to our established
policy, we could not consent to a transfer of this 'dominion and sovereignty' to either Spain, Great Britain, or any other
European power." President Polk's reference to the transfer of dominion and sovereignty evidently meant opposition to the
acquisition of territorial control by any means and this position has frequently been reiterated by the Government of the
United States. In 1912, the Senate of the United States adopted a resolution, apparently having immediate reference to Magdalena
bay, "that when any harbor or other place in the American continents is so situated that the occupation thereof for naval
or military purposes might threaten the communications or the safety of the United States, the Government of the United States
could not see without grave concern the possession of such harbour or other place by any corporation or association which
has such a relation to another Government, not American, as to give that Government practical power or control for naval or
military purposes." It was explained in support of the resolution that it rested on the principle of self-defence and that
it was "allied to the Monroe Doctrine, of course, but not necessarily dependent upon it or growing out of it. "Since the declaration
of Monroe, the famous Doctrine has been modified in only two particulars. What was said with Europe exclusively in view, must
be deemed applicable to all non-American powers; and the opposition to the extension of colonization was not dependent upon
the particular method of securing territorial control, and, at least since Polk's time, may be deemed to embrace opposition
to acquisition of additional territory through transfer of dominion or sovereignty. Neither of these modifications changes
the doctrine in its essentials and it may thus be summarized as being opposed (1) to any non-American action encroaching upon
the political independence of American States under any guise, and (2) to the acquisition in any manner of the control of
additional territory in the western hemisphere by any non-American power.
The United States has been alert in opposition to what was believed to involve
action of this character. Historic instances are those relating to the Mosquito coast in 1858-60, the French intervention
in Mexico ending in 1867, the arbitral settlement of the controversy as to the boundary line between Venezuela and British
Guiana in 1895-97, and the disposition of the claims of Germany, Great Britain and Italy against Venezuela in 1902-04.Character
and Purport of the Doctrine. The Monroe Doctrine is not a legislative pronouncement; it has been approved by action of Congress,
but it does not rest upon congressional sanction. It is not defined by treaty, and it does not draw its force from any international
agreement. It had, however, the implied endorsement of the treaty making power of the United States in the reservations to
the two Hague Conventions of 1899 and 1907, which provided: "Nothing contained in this convention shall be construed as to
require the United States of America to depart from its traditional policy of not intruding upon, interfering with, or entangling
itself in the political questions of policy or internal administration of any foreign State; nor shall anything contained
in the said convention be construed to imply a relinquishment by the United States of America of its traditional attitude
toward purely American questions." The doctrine is not like a constitutional provision deriving its authority from the fact
that it is a part of the organic law transcending and limiting executive and legislative power. While it is not a part of
international law, it rests, as Elihu Root has stated, "upon the right of self-protection and that right is recognized by
international law." It was asserted at the time when the danger of foreign aggression was very real, when the new American
States had not yet established a firm basis of independent national life and republican institutions were menaced by the threats
of Old World powers. But despite changes in conditions it still remains, to be applied if necessary, as a principle of national
security. Its significance lies in the fact that in its essentials as set forth by President Monroe and as forcibly asserted
by responsible statesmen, it has been for 100 years, and continues to be, an integral part of national thought and purpose
expressing a profound conviction which even the upheaval caused by the World War, and the participation of the United States
in that struggle upon European soil, did not upset.
The doctrine, as has been stated authoritatively, does not imply or countenance,
a policy of aggression. It does not infringe upon the independence and sovereignty of other American States. It does not attempt
to establish a protectorate over Latin American States. The declaration that encroachment by non-American powers upon the
independence of American States will be regarded as dangerous to the safety of the United States gives no justification for
such encroachment on its part. In stating with extreme vigour the position of President Cleveland's administration in the
correspondence with Great Britain relating to the Venezuela boundary, Secretary Olney recognized the limitations of the doctrine
and his other statements should be read in the light of their context. He said: "The precise scope and limitations of this
rule cannot be too clearly apprehended. It does not establish any general protectorate by the United States over other American
states. It does not relieve any American state from its obligations as fixed by international law nor prevent any European
power directly interested from enforcing such obligations or from inflicting merited punishment for the breach of them. It
does not contemplate any interference in the internal affairs of any American state or in the relations between it and other
American states. It does not justify any attempt on our part to change the established form of government of any American
state or to prevent the people of such state from altering that form according to their own will and pleasure. The rule in
question has but a single purpose and object. It is that no European power or combination of European powers shall forcibly
deprive an American state of the right and power of self-government and of shaping for itself its own political fortunes and
destinies." President Roosevelt in his annual message of 1901 thus referred to the doctrine: "It is in no wise intended as
hostile to any nation in the Old World. Still less is it intended to give cover to any aggression by one New World power at
the expense of any other. It is simply a step, and a long step, toward assuring the universal peace of the world by securing
the possibility of permanent peace on this hemisphere." And in his annual message of 1906, President Roosevelt said: "In many
parts of South America there has been much misunderstanding of the attitude and purposes of the United States toward the other
American republics. An idea had become prevalent that our assertion of the Monroe Doctrine implied or carried with it an assumption
of superiority and of a right to exercise some kind of protectorate over the countries to whose territory that doctrine applies.
Nothing could be farther from the truth. "As the policy embodied in the Monroe Doctrine was distinctively the policy of the
United States, the Government of the United States has reserved to itself its definition and application. President Wilson
observed: "The Monroe Doctrine was proclaimed by the United States on her own authority. It always has been maintained, and
always will be maintained, upon her own responsibility." But it has frequently been stated that the United States would welcome
the adoption by the other American republics of a similar policy. President Wilson sought to give the principles of the doctrine
a worldwide application. In his address to the Senate on Jan. 22, 1917, he said: "I am proposing, as it were, that the nations
should with one accord adopt the doctrine of President Monroe as the doctrine of the world; that no nation should seek to
extend its polity over any other nation or people, but that every people should be left free to determine its own polity,
its own way of development, unhindered, unthreatened, unafraid, the little along with the great and powerful." The Covenant
of the League of Nations refers to the doctrine in Article 21, which provides: "Nothing in this Covenant shall be deemed to
affect the validity of international engagements, such as treaties of arbitration or regional understandings like the Monroe
Doctrine, for securing the maintenance of peace." Many in the United States did not consider this statement to be an adequate
or accurate description of the doctrine, and one of the reservations which the Senate of the United States adopted in its
discussion of the Treaty of Versailles declared the Monroe Doctrine "to be wholly outside the jurisdiction of said League
of Nations and entirely unaffected by any provision contained in said treaty of peace with Germany" and reserved to the United
States the sole right to interpret the doctrine. The treaty failed of ratification, and this reservation may be regarded as
an expression of the opinion held by the majority of the members of the Senate. In replying (Feb. 26, 1920) to a request of
the minister of foreign affairs of Salvador for an interpretation of the Monroe Doctrine because of the bearing which such
interpretation might have on the attitude of Salvador toward the Covenant, the acting secretary of State of the United States
stated that the views of his Government were set forth in the address (Jan. 1916) of President Wilson before the Second Pan-American
Scientific Congress. In the course of that address, President Wilson said that "the Monroe Doctrine demanded merely that European
Governments should not attempt to extend their political systems to this side of the Atlantic." In Sept. 1928, the Council
of the League of Nations, answering an inquiry of the Government of Costa Rica as to the interpretation placed by the League
of Nations on the Monroe Doctrine, and the scope given to that doctrine when it was included in Article 21 of the Covenant,
stated: "Article 20 stipulates that 'the Members of the League severally agree that this Covenant is accepted as abrogating
all obligations or understandings, inter se which are inconsistent with the terms thereof. . . .' Article 21 gives the States
parties to international engagements the guarantee that the validity of such of these engagements as secure the maintenance
of peace would not be affected by accession to the Covenant of the League of Nations. In declaring that such engagements are
not deemed incompatible with any of the provisions of the Covenant, the Article refers only to the relations of the Covenant
with such engagements; it neither weakens nor limits any of the safeguards provided in the Covenant. . . . In regard to the
scope of the engagements to which the Article relates, it is clear that it cannot have the effect of giving them a sanction
or validity which they did not previously possess. It confines itself to referring to these engagements, such as they may
exist, without attempting to define them: an attempt at definition being, in fact, liable to have the effect of restricting
or enlarging their sphere of application. Such a task was not one for the authors of the Covenant; it only concerns the States
having accepted inter se engagements of this kind. "The Monroe Doctrine does not attempt to define in any other respects than
those above mentioned the policies of the United States with respect to the other American republics. The construction of
the Panama Canal has not only established a new and convenient highway of commerce but has created new exigencies and new
conditions of strategy and defence. It is the declared purpose of the United States to protect that highway. It is part of
American policy not to yield to any foreign power the control of the Panama Canal, or the approaches to it, or the obtaining
of any position, which would interfere with the right of protection on the part of the United States or would menace the freedom
of its communications. This position is maintained equally with respect to American and non-American powers. The right asserted
by the Government of the United States to afford protection to the lives and property of its nationals, when endangered in
areas where governments have ceased properly to function, is maintained although there may be no prospect of non-American
interference and no occasion for applying the Monroe Doctrine. Such interposition may have the actual and intended effect
of avoiding the interposition of non-American powers and the consequent activities and developments at which the Monroe Doctrine
was aimed, but the right of the United States to give appropriate protection to its nationals is regarded as quite distinct
from the doctrine. The interest of the United States in the stability, the good order and the peace of its immediate neighbours,
its efforts to promote amicable settlements of controversies, and its action under its treaties, may be based upon grounds
independent of the Monroe Doctrine, although the success of such endeavors may have an indirect effect in making more remote
the contingencies to which the doctrine would apply.
Recommended Reading: Seizing
Destiny: The Relentless Expansion of American Territory. From Publishers Weekly: In an admirable and important addition to his distinguished oeuvre, Pulitzer Prize–winner
Kluger (Ashes to Ashes, a history of the tobacco wars) focuses on the darker side of America's rapid expansion westward. He
begins with European settlement of the so-called New World, explaining that Britain's
successful colonization depended not so much on conquest of or friendship with the Indians, but on encouraging emigration.
Kluger then fruitfully situates the American Revolution as part of the story of expansion: the Founding Fathers based their
bid for independence on assertions about the expanse of American virgin earth and after the war that very land became the
new country's main economic resource. Continued below...
The heart of the book, not surprisingly, covers the 19th
century, lingering in detail over such well-known episodes as the Louisiana Purchase and William Seward's acquisition of Alaska.
The final chapter looks at expansion in the 20th century. Kluger provocatively suggests that, compared with western European
powers, the United States engaged in relatively little global colonization,
because the closing of the western frontier sated America's
expansionist hunger. Each chapter of this long, absorbing book is rewarding as Kluger meets the high standard set by his earlier
work. Includes 10 detailed maps.
Recommended Viewing: The History Channel Presents The Presidents (A&E) (360 minutes). Review: THE PRESIDENTS is an unprecedented eight-part survey of the personal
lives and legacies of the remarkable men who have presided over the Oval Office. From George Washington to George W. Bush,
THE PRESIDENTS gathers together vivid snapshots of all 43 Commanders-in-Chief who have guided America
throughout its history--their powerful personalities, weaknesses, and major achievements or historical insignificance. Based
on the book To the Best of My Ability, edited by Pulitzer Prize-winner James McPherson, THE PRESIDENTS features rare and unseen
photographs and footage, unexpected insight and trivia from journalists, scholars, and politicians such as Walter Cronkite,
David Brinkley, Wesley Clark, Bob Dole, and former President Jimmy Carter. Continued below...
Viewed within the changing contexts of each administration, the Presidency
has never seemed more compelling and human. Narrated by Edward Herrmann (The Aviator), this three-DVD (6 HOURS) set is a proud
addition to the award-winning documentary tradition of THE HISTORY CHANNEL®. DVD Features: Feature-length Bonus Program "All
The Presidents' Wives"; Timeline of U.S. Presidents; Interactive Menus; Scene Selection.
(6 HOURS); Highly Recommended! Great for the home, family, and classroom…
Recommended Reading: What Hath God Wrought: The Transformation of America, 1815-1848 (Oxford History of the United States) (Hardcover: 928 pages). Review: The newest volume in the renowned Oxford History of the United States-- A brilliant portrait
of an era that saw dramatic transformations in American life The Oxford History of the United States is by far the most respected multi-volume history of our nation.
The series includes two Pulitzer Prize winners, two New York Times bestsellers, and winners of the Bancroft and Parkman Prizes.
Now, in What Hath God Wrought, historian Daniel Walker Howe illuminates the period from the battle of New
Orleans to the end of the Mexican-American War, an era when the United
States expanded to the Pacific and won control over the richest part of the North American
continent. Continued below...
narrative portrays revolutionary improvements in transportation and communications that accelerated the extension of the American
empire. Railroads, canals, newspapers, and the telegraph dramatically lowered travel times and spurred the spread of information.
These innovations prompted the emergence of mass political parties and stimulated America's economic development from
an overwhelmingly rural country to a diversified economy in which commerce and industry took their place alongside agriculture.
In his story, the author weaves together political and military events with social, economic, and cultural history. He examines
the rise of Andrew Jackson and his Democratic party, but contends that John Quincy Adams and other Whigs--advocates of public
education and economic integration, defenders of the rights of Indians, women, and African-Americans--were the true prophets
of America's future. He reveals the power
of religion to shape many aspects of American life during this period, including slavery and antislavery, women's rights and
other reform movements, politics, education, and literature. Howe's story of American expansion -- Manifest Destiny -- culminates
in the bitterly controversial but brilliantly executed war waged against Mexico
to gain California and Texas for the United States. By 1848, America had been transformed. What Hath God Wrought provides a monumental narrative
of this formative period in United States
Recommended Reading: The Impending Crisis, 1848-1861 (Paperback), by David M. Potter. Review: Professor Potter treats an incredibly complicated and misinterpreted
time period with unparalleled objectivity and insight. Potter masterfully explains the climatic events that led to Southern
secession – a greatly divided nation – and the Civil War: the social, political and ideological conflicts;
culture; American expansionism, sectionalism and popular sovereignty; economic and tariff systems; and slavery. In other words, Potter places under the microscope the root causes and origins of the Civil War.
He conveys the subjects in easy to understand language to edify the reader's understanding (it's
not like reading some dry old history book). Delving beyond surface meanings
and interpretations, this book analyzes not only the history, but the historiography of the time period as well. Continued
rejects the historian's tendency to review the period with all the benefits of hindsight. He simply traces the events, allowing
the reader a step-by-step walk through time, the various views, and contemplates the interpretations of contemporaries and
other historians. Potter then moves forward with his analysis. The Impending Crisis is the absolute gold-standard of historical
writing… This simply is the book by which, not only other antebellum era books, but all history books should be judged.
Recommended Viewing: The History Channel Presents The Revolution (A&E) (600 minutes). Review: They came of age in a new world amid intoxicating and innovative
ideas about human and civil rights diverse economic systems and self-government. In a few short years these men and women
would transform themselves into architects of the future through the building of a new nation – “a nation unlike
any before.” From the roots of the rebellion and the signing of the Declaration of Independence to victory on the battlefield
and the adoption of The United States Constitution, THE REVOLUTION tells the remarkable story of this pivotal era in history.
Venturing beyond the conventional list of generals and politicians, THE HISTORY CHANNEL® introduces the
full range of individuals who helped shape this great conflict including some of the war’s most influential unsung heroes.
Through sweeping cinematic recreations intimate biographical investigations and provocative political military and economic
analysis the historic ideas and themes that transformed treasonous acts against the British into noble acts of courage both
on and off the battlefield come to life in this dramatic and captivating program. This TEN HOUR DVD Features: History in the
Making: The Revolution Behind-the-Scenes Featurette; Interactive Menus; Scene Selections.
Recommended Viewing: 500 Nations (372 minutes). Description: 500 Nations is an eight-part documentary (more than 6 hours and that's not including its interactive CD-ROM
filled with extra features) that explores the history of the indigenous peoples of North and Central America, from pre-Colombian
times through the period of European contact and colonization, to the end of the 19th century and the subjugation of the Plains
Indians of North America. 500 Nations utilizes historical texts, eyewitness
accounts, pictorial sources and computer graphic reconstructions to explore the magnificent civilizations which flourished
prior to contact with Western civilization, and to tell the dramatic and tragic story of the Native American nations' desperate
attempts to retain their way of life against overwhelming odds. Continued below...
word "Indian," and most will conjure up images inspired by myths and movies: teepees, headdresses, and war paint; Sitting
Bull, Geronimo, Crazy Horse, and their battles (like Little Big Horn) with the U.S. Cavalry. Those stories of the so-called
"horse nations" of the Great
Plains are all here, but so is a great deal more. Using impressive computer imaging, photos, location film footage
and breathtaking cinematography, interviews with present-day Indians, books and manuscripts, museum artifacts, and more, Leustig
and his crew go back more than a millennium to present an fascinating account of Indians, including those (like the Maya and
Aztecs in Mexico and the Anasazi in the Southwest) who were here long before white men ever reached these shores.
the arrival of Europeans like Columbus, Cortez, and DeSoto that marked the beginning of the end for the Indians. Considering
the participation of host Kevin Costner, whose film Dances with Wolves was highly sympathetic to the Indians, it's no bulletin
that 500 Nations also takes a compassionate view of the multitude of calamities--from alcohol and disease to the corruption
of their culture and the depletion of their vast natural resources--visited on them by the white man in his quest for land
and money, eventually leading to such horrific events as the Trail of Tears "forced march," the massacre at Wounded Knee,
and other consequences of the effort to "relocate" Indians to the reservations where many of them still live. Along the way,
we learn about the Indians' participation in such events as the American Revolution and the War of 1812, as well as popular
legends like the first Thanksgiving (it really happened) and the rescue of Captain John Smith by Pocahontas (it probably didn't).
The Great Indian Wars: 1540-1890 (2009) (230 minutes). Description: The
year 1540 was a crucial turning point in American history. The Great Indian Wars
were incited by Francisco Vazquez de Coronado when his expedition to the Great Plains launched
the inevitable 350 year struggle between the white man and the American Indians. This series defines the struggles of
practically every major American Indian tribe. It is also a fascinating
study of the American Indians' beginnings on the North American Continent, while reflecting the factional splits as well
as alliances. Continued below...
Indian Wars is more than a documentary about the
battles and conflicts, wars and warfare, fighting tactics and strategies, and weapons of the American Indians. You will journey
with the Indians and witness how they adapted from the bow to the rifle, and view the European introduction of the horse to
the Americas and how the Indians adapted and perfected it for both hunting and
warfare. This fascinating documentary also reflects the migration patterns--including numerous maps--and the evolution
of every major tribe, as well as the strengths, weaknesses, and challenges of each tribe. Spanning nearly 4 hours and filled
with spectacular paintings and photographs, this documentary is action-packed from start to finish.
BIBLIOGRAPHY. Sir F. Pollock, "The Monroe Doctrine," The Nineteenth Century,
vol. lii., pp. 535-553 (New York and London, 1902); W. C. Ford, "Genesis of the Monroe Doctrine," Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc.,
2nd sec., vol. xv., pp. 373-429 (1902); G. F. Tucker, The Monroe Doctrine (Boston, 1903); J. B. Moore, A Digest of International
Law (Washington, 1906); A. B. Hart, The Monroe Doctrine (New York, 1916); E. Root, "The Real Monroe Doctrine," in Addresses
on International Subjects, edit. by R. Bacon and J. B. Scott, pp. 105-123 (Cambridge, 1916); C. C. Hyde, International Law
Chiefly as Interpreted and Applied by the United States (Boston, 1922); W. P. Cresson, Diplomatic Portraits; Europe and the
Monroe Doctrine One Hundred Years Ago (1923); W. A. MacCorkle, The Personal Genesis of the Monroe Doctrine (1923); D. Y. Thomas,
One Hundred Years of the Monroe Doctrine, 1823-1923 (New York, 1923); C. E. Hughes, "Observations on the Monroe Doctrine,"
Amer. Jour. Inter. Law, vol. xvii., pp. 611-628 (Concord, 1923), The Pathway of Peace (1924) and "The Centenary of the Monroe
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Foreign Policy of the United States (New York, 1925); J. H. Latane, A History of American Foreign Policy (Garden City, 1927);
D. Perkins, The Monroe Doctrine, 1823-1926 (1927); and C. H. Haring, South America Looks At the United States (New York, 1928);
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