Why did the Southern states secede?*
When the Southern states seceded, they acted on the belief that the
Union was merely a compact, or agreement, among sovereign states (see States' Rights). Through the decades, Southerners had become increasingly disturbed by their lessening influence in the Federal government.
The presidential election in 1860, furthermore, was the last straw.
The strength of Southern sentiment can easily be explained: the political
balance favored the North. This topic is referred to as Sectionalism.
The Southern states were aligned strongly with the Democratic Party,
but the election of Abraham Lincoln, a Republican, was perceived as the death blow to the South and its interests. The South, through the decades, had witnessed
numerous tariff acts which favored Northern interests, and, with Lincoln in office, it believed that additional unfavorable tariff
acts would again be imposed.
President James Buchanan fails to take action
The four months between Lincoln's election and his inauguration proved a trying period for the Union. Bewildered
by the speed with which events had progressed, President Buchanan wavered in his course of action. In his annual message,
he stated that the Southern states had no right to secede but that, on the other hand, Congress had no power to force them
to stay in the Union. Until Lincoln was sworn into office, Buchanan simply wanted to stall the crisis.
Compromises are tried and fail
Northerners were by no means in agreement regarding how the South should be treated. Many favored a
peaceful withdrawal of the South. Horace Greely's New York Tribune said that "if the Southern states felt they would
be better off outside of the Union, they should be permitted to go peacefully." But others claimed the South had no right
to secede and were determined to hold the Union together. The number of those who believed this increased daily.
The outlook was so gloomy that statesmen resorted to the time-honored practice of compromise. The aged Senator
Crittenden of Kentucky proposed several amendments to the Constitution, but the Republican opposition was strong and the Crittenden
proposals failed in Congress (see Crittenden Compromise). Another compromise was tried, this time by the border states, led by Virginia. A peace convention, representing 21 states,
opened at Washington on February 4, 1861. But its proposals received little attention in the Senate.
The Southern states secede
The news of Lincoln's election in 1860 was received in the South with intense alarm. South Carolina, which
had threatened to secede in the 1830s because of unfair and High Tariffs (see Nullification Crisis), took immediate action. The legislature of South Carolina, which had decided to remain in secession until the results of
the election were known, passed a bill calling for a convention to consider the relations of the state to the Union. This
convention met on December 17, 1860. Attended and celebrated by booming cannon, pealing bells, and general rejoicing
in the streets of Charleston, the South Carolina convention unanimously passed an Ordinance of Secession (see Secession).
South Carolina declared that the Union "subsisting between South Carolina and other States, under the
name of the 'United States of America,'" was at an end. Commissioners were sent to Washington "empowered to treat...for the
delivery of the forts...and other real estate" held by the Federal government within the limits of South Carolina. Numerous
other Southern states immediately addressed the question of secession. In Georgia, Alexander H. Stephens expressed doubt about
the wisdom of seceding just because the Republicans had won an election. Stephens pleaded with his fellow citizens to "wait
for some hostile action by the Federal government before taking this fateful step." In Mississippi, Jefferson Davis (future
Confederate President) initially "advised delay," while in Texas, the renowned Sam Houston argued the cause of the Union.
The action of South Carolina, however, had brought matters to a boiling point, and the feeling in favor of secession was now
overwhelming. By February 1, 1861, numerous conventions were held in: Mississippi, Florida, Alabama, Georgia, Louisiana, and
The Southern Confederacy is formed
In February, also, a convention of delegates from all the seceded states, except Texas, met at Montgomery,
Alabama, to organize a temporary Southern government. They chose Jefferson Davis for President. Davis had served as Secretary
of War in Pierce's cabinet, Senator representing Mississippi, and was a Mexican War veteran. (Davis had also succeeded Calhoun
as spokesman for the South.) Alexander H. Stephens of Georgia became Vice-President. Soon afterwards a permanent Constitution
for the Confederate States of America (C.S.A.) was adopted. This Constitution was similar in many ways to the United States,
but openly accepted the doctrine of state sovereignty. The foreign slave trade was prohibited, while slavery was accepted
and approved. The Confederate Constitution also forbade its Congress to levy a protective tariff, but duties could
be placed upon exports by two-thirds vote of both houses. A simple method for amending the Constitution was included, but
no arrangement was made for secession.
By the time Abraham Lincoln was inaugurated on March 4, 1861, a powerful government existed below the Mason-Dixon Line. It had taken steps to raise an army and to secure funds, and it also
sent commissioners to Washington to work out a treaty and to arrange for the division of the common property of the states
(similar to the present-day divorce with its division of marital property).
Refusal to allow any Southern state to secede led to more than 10,500 battles and skirmishes. The war
produced an estimated 970,000 casualties (3% of the U.S. population, which today would
equate to nearly 9,000,000 souls), including approximately 620,000 deaths—two-thirds by disease. Let's take a moment and think
about it on today's terms. To put it into perspective, 3% of the U.S. population equates to the combined population
of the present-day states of New Hampshire, Hawaii, Rhode Island, Montana, Delaware, South Dakota, Alaska, North Dakota,
Vermont and Wyoming.
The war accounted for more casualties than all other U.S. wars combined.
Presently, the causes of the war, the reasons for its outcome, and even the name of the war itself are subjects of lingering
controversy. The main result of the war was the restoration of the Union.
Confederate President Jefferson Davis received no trial: Treason and Secession
Jefferson Davis's release from prison came after a finding by the Chief Justice
of the United States Supreme Court, Salmon P. Chase, that there was nothing in the U.S. Constitution that prohibited
the secession of states. If secession was not illegal, neither Davis nor any other Confederate leaders could be guilty of
however, wanted a trial because he saw it as an opportunity to vindicate both himself and the actions of the Confederacy,
i.e. the constitutional right to secede.
On May 19, 1865, Davis was imprisoned at
Fort Monroe, Virginia. Although he was indicted for treason a year later, he was never tried. The main
reason that the United States dropped the charge was because it believed that if Davis was tried for treason, "he
may very well prove that Southern secession, or the secession of any state, was both constitutional and legal," therefore
vindicating the South, justifying secession, pondering the needless loss of life (620,000 deaths), and condemning
the Federal government and President Abraham Lincoln's actions for not only denying Southern secession, but for their
refusal to allow the U.S. Supreme Court its constitutional right and duty to make any decision regarding secession.
After two years of imprisonment, Davis
was finally released on bail which was posted by prominent citizens of both northern and southern states, including Horace
Greeley and Cornelius Vanderbilt.
No one has ever proven secession to be either constitutional or unconstitutional. The question never reached the United States Supreme
Court, which would be the only lawful arbiter. The outcome of the Civil War did decide that secession was not lawful AT THAT
TIME, in that it was tried and it failed to succeed. If it is tried again and this time the attempt is successful,
then it will be "lawful" for the time being. But in the end, only a court decision can decide the matter. It is pretty ambiguous.
(This excerpt is from a letter William C. Davis wrote to me and the caps and quotations are his).
Jack is the senior consultant for 52 episodes of the History Channel's "Civil War
Journal" (A&E Television Networks). Davis has twice been nominated for the Pulitzer Prize in History
and is the only three-time winner of the Jefferson Davis Award given for book-length works on Confederate history.
(Sources at bottom of page)
Reading: When in the Course of Human Events: Arguing the Case for Southern Secession. Review: As a historian, I have learned that the heart of any great work
in history lies in the ample and accurate use of primary sources, and primary sources are the great strength of this work.
While countless tomes have debated the perceived moral sides of the Civil War and the motivations of the various actors, this
work investigates the motives of the primary players in the era and in their own words and writings. This gives the work an
excellent realism and accuracy. The author, Charles Adams, has earned a reputation as one of the leading economic historians
in the field, particularly in the area of taxes. He utilizes this background to investigate the American Civil War, and comes
to some very striking conclusions, many that defy the politically-correct history of today. His thesis postulates that the
Civil War had its primary cause not in slavery or state's rights, but rather in cold, hard economic concerns. Continued below...
He shows that
the North used its supremacy in Congress to push through massive tariffs to fund the government, and that these tariffs fell
much harder on the export-dependent South than upon the insular north. In fact, the total revenue from the "Compromise" Tariffs
on the 1830s and 40s amounted to $107.5 million, of which $90 million came from the South. The majority of the revenue, moreover,
was spent on projects “far from the South.” According to Adams, this disparity finally pushed the South to seek its own independence. Supporting
this conclusion is the fact that the South enacted extremely low tariffs throughout the war, whereas the north enacted the
Morrill Tariff of 1861, which enacted tariffs as high as 50 percent on some goods. Adams
also chronicles the oft-overlooked excesses of the Lincoln Administration, and compares them to the actions of Julius Caesar.
Using the letters and reports of the times, he tells how Lincoln suspended habeas corpus, trod
roughshod over the Constitution, jailed thousands of U.S. citizens who
dared disagree with him and even wrote a warrant for the arrest of the Chief Justice of the United States. Adams also ably uses the viewpoints
of British and other Europeans to describe different contemporary views on the struggle. These provide excellent outside insight.
On the whole, readers will find the book a superb and scholarly analysis, providing fresh insights into the motivations and
causes of the defining war in American history. AWARDED 5
STARS by americancivilwarhistory.org
Reading: One Nation, Indivisible? A Study of Secession and the Constitution. Description: Is secession legal under the United States Constitution? "One Nation,
Indivisible?" takes a fresh look at this old question by evaluating the key arguments of such anti-secession men as Daniel
Webster and Abraham Lincoln, in light of reason, historical fact, the language of the Constitution, and the words of America's
Founding Fathers. Modern anti-secession arguments are also examined, as are the questions of why Americans are becoming interested
in secession once again, whether secession can be avoided, and how an American state might peacefully secede from the Union. Continued below…
government's growth of power at the expense of individuals and natural human communities has been the trend so long now that
it has seemed inevitable. But thoughtful people of late have been rediscovering the true decentralist origins of the United
States. Robert Hawes states the case beautifully for the forgotten decentralist tradition
- which may be our only hope for the preservation of freedom."
Reading: The Real Lincoln: A New Look at Abraham Lincoln, His Agenda, and an Unnecessary War. Description: It hardly seems possible that there is more to say about someone
who has been subjected to such minute scrutiny in thousands of books and articles. Yet, Thomas J. DiLorenzo’s The Real Lincoln manages to raise fresh and morally probing questions, challenging
the image of the martyred 16th president that has been fashioned carefully in marble and bronze, sentimentalism and myth.
In doing so, DiLorenzo does not follow the lead of M. E. Bradford or other Southern agrarians. He writes primarily not as
a defender of the Old South and its institutions, culture, and traditions, but as a libertarian enemy of the Leviathan state.
his war responsible for the triumph of "big government" and the birth of the ubiquitous, suffocating modern U.S. state. He seeks to replace the nation’s memory
of Lincoln as the “Great Emancipator” with the record of Lincoln as the “Great Centralizer.”
Reading: Secession Debated: Georgia's
Showdown in 1860. Review: The critical northern antebellum debate matched the rhetorical skills of Abraham Lincoln and Stephen A.
Douglas in an historic argument over the future of slavery in a westward-expanding America. Two years later, an equally historic oratorical showdown between secessionists
and Unionists in Georgia generated as much popular interest south of the
Mason-Dixon Line, and perhaps had an even more profound immediate effect on the future of the United States. Continued below...
Lincoln's "Black Republican" triumph in the presidential election of 1860, the United States witnessed ardent secessionist
sentiment in the South. But Unionists were equally zealous and while South Carolina--a
bastion of Disunionism since 1832--seemed certain to secede; the other fourteen slave states were far from decided. In the
deep South, the road to disunion depended much on the actions of Georgia,
a veritable microcosm of the divided South and geographically in the middle of the Cotton South. If Georgia
went for the Union, secessionist South Carolina could be
isolated. So in November of 1860, all the eyes of Dixie turned to tiny Milledgeville, pre-war capital of Georgia, for a legislative confrontation that would help chart
the course toward civil war. In Secession Debated, William W. Freehling and Craig M. Simpson have for the first time collected
the seven surviving speeches and public letters of this greatest of southern debates over disunion, providing today's reader
with a unique window into a moment of American crisis. Introducing the debate and debaters in compelling fashion, the editors
help bring to life a sleepy Southern town suddenly alive with importance as a divided legislature met to decide the fate of
Georgia, and by extension, that of the nation. We hear myriad voices, among them the energetic and self-righteous Governor
Joseph E. Brown who, while a slaveholder and secessionist, was somewhat suspect as a native North Georgian; Alexander H. Stephens,
the eloquent Unionist whose "calm dispassionate approach" ultimately backfired; and fiery secessionist Robert Toombs who,
impatient with Brown's indecisiveness and the caution of the Unionists, shouted to legislators: "Give me the sword! but if
you do not place it in my hands, before God! I will take it." The secessionists' Henry Benning and Thomas R. R. Cobb as well
as the Unionists Benjamin Hill and Herschel Johnson also speak to us across the years, most with eloquence, all with the patriotic,
passionate conviction that defined an era. In the end, the legislature adopted a convention bill which decreed a popular vote
on the issue in early January 1861. The election results were close, mirroring the intense debate of two months before: 51%
of Georgians favored immediate secession, a slim margin which the propaganda-conscious Brown later inflated to 58%. On January
19th the Georgia Convention sanctioned secession in a 166-130 vote, and the imminent Confederacy had its Southern hinge. Secession
Debated is a colorful and gripping tale told in the words of the actual participants, one which sheds new light on one of
the great and hitherto neglected verbal showdowns in American history. It is essential to a full understanding of the origins
of the War Between the States.
Reading: Lincoln Unmasked: What You're Not Supposed to Know About Dishonest Abe. Description:
many view our 16th president as the nation’s greatest president and hero, Tom Dilorenzo, The Real Lincoln: A New Look at Abraham Lincoln, His Agenda, and an
Unnecessary War, through his scholarly research, exposes the many unconstitutional decisions of Abraham Lincoln. Lincoln
Unmasked, a best-seller, reveals that ‘other side’ – the inglorious character – of the nation’s
greatest tyrant and totalitarian. Continued below...
Reading: A Constitutional History of Secession (Hardcover). Review: The Constitutional History of Secession
is the history of the legal practice of secession in the Anglo-American world. The learned jurist John Remington Graham is
possessed of a profound expertise on American, British and Canadian constitutional law. He has written a compelling defense
of the right of secession. Secession, the right of self-determination, and the principle of "rule by consent of the governed"
were among the foremost principles animating the American War for Independence of Seventeen-Seventy-Six. Yet the consolidationist
sophists malign and deny these tried and true principles of free government. Graham, however, traces British and American
constitutional history and developments with great clarity and buoys the case for secession. He offers an amazing exposition
of seventeenth century British constitutional developments, which culminated in the Glorious Revolution of 1688 in which the
Crown peacefully passed from James II to William and Mary without armed conflict. Continued below…
of William of Orange to the throne was met with popular support, as the usurpations of William II were not amenable to the
populace. This so called revolution set a standard for peaceful political separation, and it was exactly what the American
Continental Congress sought from Great Britain. Likewise, peaceful separation was what the
southern states that formed the Southern Confederacy wanted when those eleven states formally separated from the United States. Secession does not have to mean war and violence,
but war was thrust upon American colonials and southern confederates when their previous government refused to acknowledge
their right of self-determination. As the Declaration of Independence proclaims, "...whenever any Form of Government becomes
destructive of these ends, it is the Right of the People to alter or to abolish it, and to institute new Government, laying
its foundation on such principles and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their
Safety and Happiness." As Confederate President Jefferson Davis proclaimed, "All we ask is to be left alone." The Glorious
Revolution forms the foundation of Graham's treatise as he advances his thesis and makes the case for secession. As Donald
Livingston proclaims in the preface, "The central focus of this work will be revolution, not as an armed overthrow of an established
government, but as a rational and orderly process, specifically allowed by fundamental law."
In making the case for
secession, Graham substantiates the compact nature of the Union as well, which correspondingly
legitimizes interposition, nullification, and secession. Two early constitutional commentaries including St. George Tucker's
View of the Constitution of the United States
(1801) and Pennsylvania Federalist William Rawle's A View of the Constitution (1829) both affirm a right of secession.
Remington Graham further traces American constitutional developments, and in doing so he substantiates the compact nature
of the Union, and makes a profound case for the Constitution as a compact, which in effect
legitimizes the right of secession. He further explains all of these episodes in constitutional history with amazing detail
**The Kentucky and Virginia Resolutions which were in continuity with the colonial-revolutionary tradition
of State remonstrance, protest, interposition and nullification of unconstitutional acts of central government authorities.
**The Hartford Convention and the anti-war, anti-embargo northern secessionist movement which emerged after the unwelcomed
War of 1812 with the British.
**The Webster-Hayne Debates on the nature of the Union
is explained in detail. Likewise, Daniel Webster's case of foot-in-mouth disease is made manifest as Hayne hearkens back to
his deeds at the Hartford Convention.
**The Missouri Compromise and constitutional question of slavery and the sectional
strife over the spread of slavery into the territories is explained.
**The secession of the eleven southern states
from the Union and the circumstances leading to their separation are explained in detail.
Likewise, the birth of the Southern Confederacy and the north's violent refusal to accept their separation is painstakingly
**The unlawful and violent conquest of the South, the unconstitutional political repression in north and
south, the illegal suspension of the writ of habeas corpus throughout the whole nation and the oppressive Reconstruction Acts
are explained with amazing clarity and detail.
**Graham fast forwards to the twentieth-century. In our time, Quebec
has asserted the legal right of secession as a viable political alternative if its relationship with the central government
of the Canadian Confederation does not prove to be more mutually-beneficial and less detrimental to the interests of Quebec's
citizenry in coming years. With a distinctive francophone culture and nearly half of the populace voting for secession in
the last popular referendum, we may well witness the peaceful separation of Quebec from Canada in our lifetime.
All things considered, John
Remington Graham has done a remarkable job at making the case for secession and has made a lasting contribution to constitutional
scholarship. His book is well-documented and awash in powerful quotations from British and American statesmen. There is a
preponderance of evidence in the Anglo-American constitutional heritage which makes secession a lawful exercise. Likewise,
he is very logical in tracing the deducible nature of State sovereignty. Graham in final application points out that self-determination
as expressed in an act of secession emanates from the right of people themselves to self-government. Essentially by presenting
the secession of the American colonies and the Southern Confederacy in its proper historical and legal context, Graham has
made a valuable contribution to understanding the Anglo-American political tradition. John Graham who presently served as
an expert advisor on British constitutional law to the amicus curiae (i.e. friend of the court) for Quebec in the secession state decided in 1998. As Jefferson
astutely opined, "Prudence, indeed, will dictate that Governments long established should not be changed for light and transient
Causes..." Thus, secession is never to be approached lightly, and the act of secession negates the value, benefits and security
of the Union.
* * * * * * * * * * *
"Whenever government becomes destructive
of these ends (i.e. life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness), it is the right of the people to alter or abolish it, and
to institute a new government." -Declaration of Independence
of the American Colonies, July 4, 1776
"Sovereignty is the highest degree of political power, and the establishment
of a form of government, the highest proof which can be given of its existence. The states could have not reserved any rights
by articles of their union, if they had not been sovereign, because they could have no rights, unless they flowed from that
source. In the creation of the federal government, the states exercised the highest act of sovereignty, and they may, if they
please, repeat the proof of their sovereignty, by its annihilation. But the union possesses no innate sovereignty, like the
states; it was not self-constituted; it is conventional, and of course subordinate to the sovereignties by which it was formed."
-John Taylor of Caroline, New Views of the Constitution, Nov. 19, 1823
"I saw in State Rights the only availing check
upon the absolutism of the sovereign will, and secession filled me with hope, not as the destruction but as the redemption
of Democracy. The institutions of your Republic have not exercised on the old world the salutary and liberating influence
which ought to have belonged to them, by reason of those defects and abuses of principle which the Confederate Constitution
was expressly and wisely calculated to remedy. I believed that the example of that great Reform would have blessed all the
races of mankind by establishing true freedom purged of the native dangers and disorders of Republics. Therefore I deemed
that you were fighting the battles of our liberty, our progress, and our civilization; and I mourn for the stake which was
lost at Richmond more deeply than I rejoice over that which was saved at Waterloo." -Lord Acton in a letter to Robert E. Lee, Nov. 4, 1866.
Reading: The South Was Right! (Hardcover). Description: Kin Hubbard
said "'Tain't what a man don't know that hurts him; it's what he does know that just ain't so." Much of what people "know"
about the causes, conduct, and consequences of the Civil War "just ain't so." The Kennedy brothers make a strong case that
the real reasons and results of the War Between the States have been buried under the myth of Father Abraham and his blue-clad
saints marching south to save the Union and free the slaves. Sure, the tone is polemical.
But the "enlightened" elements of American opinion have been engaging in a polemic against the South and its people for decades… Continued
This book adopts
the "following the money approach" to analyzing who profited most from slavery – a convincing argument that reflects
that much of the wealth went to the North. It also points out that slavery was not new to Africa, and was practiced by Africans against
Africans without foreign intervention. A strong case is made that the North and Lincoln held strong racist views. Lincoln proposed shipping, or transporting, blacks back to Africa… The blacks residing in the Northern states were in a precarious predicament (e.g.
draft riots and lynchings in NY City). The authors, however, do not make any argument supporting slavery - their consistent
line is the practice is vile. The fact that many blacks served, assisted and provided material support to Union
and Confederate Armies is beyond refute. Native Americans also served with distinction on both sides during the Civil War.
“A controversial and thought-provoking book that challenges the status-quo
of present teachings…”
Recommended Reading: Encyclopedia of the American Civil War: A Political, Social, and Military History, by David
J. Coles (Editor), David Stephen Heidler (Editor), Jeanne T. Heidler Ph.D. (Editor, Introduction), Jeanne T. Heidler (Author),
James M. McPherson (Author) (Hardcover) (2784 pages). Review From Booklist:
After more than 100 years, the Civil War still attracts more public interest than any other event in U.S.
history. This fact is reflected in the inordinate number of books, well over 50,000, written about the conflict. ABCCLIO has
published the most comprehensive reference work, offering more than 1,600 signed entries, over 300 contributors, more than
500 illustrations and 75 maps, and over 250 primary source documents. Continued below...
The encyclopedia provides
in A-Z format information on the war's strategic aims, diplomatic and political maneuvering, key military actions (with descriptions
of more than 60 engagements), key participants (civilian and military), and impact on American society and history. Mary Ann
Ball Bickerdyke, a Union Army nurse; Matthew Brady, a photographer who accompanied the Union Army in the first main battle;
and military leaders such as Ulysses S. Grant, Robert E. Lee, and James Longstreet are just a few of the individuals covered.
The encyclopedia not only treats the military aspects of the war but presents full coverage of the politics, literature, art,
music, and homefront events. Every conceivable subject--from Chickamauga, Battle of to
Harper's Weekly to Gatling gun to Jews-- receives consideration. .Entries range from less than one-half page to more than
eighteen pages for the Atlanta Campaign. Each essay is followed by see also references to related entries elsewhere in the
set, as well as extensive suggested readings for deeper research on that particular subject. The final volume compiles more
than 250 topically arranged documents, including Abraham Lincoln's famous "A house divided against itself cannot stand" speech,
excerpts from Frederick Douglass' "My Escape from Slavery" speech, Jefferson Davis' "Proclamation of 1861," the Battle Hymn
of the Republic, and more. These primary source materials are an invaluable enhancement to the set. Following the documents,
one finds five appendixes. Appendix I lists the Confederate States of America's
general officers, followed by its government in appendix II. Appendix III lists the officers of the United States of America, followed by its government in appendix IV. Appendix V
is a directory of Civil War battlefield sites with addresses, phone numbers, and maps. Following the appendixes is a "Civil
War Chronology" showing relationships between military actions and political, diplomatic, and social developments. A brief
glossary provides definitions for the researcher unfamiliar with such terms as cashier ("dishonorably discharge an office")
and retrograde ("an orderly retreat usually designed to move away from an enemy"). An extensive bibliography lists all the
resources referenced throughout the volumes. The index indicates main entries in bold print, while illustrations are identified
with italics. The index is detailed and comprehensive. For example, under African American sailors, there are references to
individuals who relate to this category, such as Gideon Welles and Francis Shoup. Under Gettysburg,
battle of one finds page references not only to information about the battle but also to related people, places, and events.
The set is handsomely designed, with numerous period photographs complementing the text.. There are some minor criticisms
regarding layout, which makes maneuvering the set a bit cumbersome. The index to all volumes can only be found in volume five,
which means the researcher has to use two volumes most of the time; a cumulative index in each volume would have made access
easier. The index cites only page numbers, leaving the user to guess which volume a page might be in. Neither the bibliographies
nor the directory to battle sites makes reference to the copious information that is available through the World Wide Web.
However, these are small shortcomings. Encyclopedia of the American Civil War is the most comprehensive reference work written
about its topic, providing both the novice and the expert an opportunity to expand their knowledge of this vital aspect of
U.S. history. Recommended for high-school,
public, and academic libraries. Copyright © American Library Association. All rights reserved.
From the Inside Flap (Special
features): 1,600+ signed, A-to-Z entries, each with references to further reading. 300+ contributors, including some of the
leading Civil War scholars at work today. 500+ illustrations, including contemporary photographs, lithographs, and drawings.
75 maps created specially for this encyclopedia. 250+ primary source documents that provide "you-are-there" immediacy: the
Dred Scott decision, Lee’s Farewell Address—speeches, legislation, military and civilian correspondence, editorials,
and eyewitness reports. Chronology of major political, diplomatic, and military events. Glossary that defines military terms
and explains usages peculiar to the period. In-depth coverage of the often-overlooked roles of African Americans, immigrants,
and women, in battle and on the home front. Comprehensive treatment of subjects usually covered only in specialized monographs,
from social conditions and public reactions to the war to press coverage and elections. Full accounts of the major battles,
complete with detailed dispositions of forces, commanders, and orders of battle—as well as smaller engagements and their
role in the larger military context. Coverage of subjects related to or affected by the war: slavery, states’ rights,
secession, emancipation, Reconstruction, the involvement of foreign powers, literature, photography, art, conscription, conscientious
objection, the role of immigrants. Biographies of military, political, diplomatic, and cultural figures, among them Horace
Greeley, “Bloody Bill” Anderson, Fitzhugh Lee, George E. Pickett, Herman Melville, Eppa Hunton, Petroleum V. Nasby,
Henry Wirz. Lists of the officers of the Union and Confederate armies and the members of
the two governments. Special battlefield section for sites in sixteen states, with location maps and visitor information.
Exhaustive subject index and cross-referencing.
Sources: Canfield, Leon H. & Wilder, Howard B. The Making of modern
America, 1956; Adams, Charles. When in the Course of Human Events: Arguing the Case for Southern Secession. Lanham, Maryland:
Rowman and Littlefield, 2005; Hawes, Robert, One Nation, Indivisible?
A Study of Secession and the Constitution, 2006; Nichols, Roy F. "United States vs. Jefferson Davis, 1865–1869."
American Historical Review 31 (1926): 266–284; Watson, David K. "The Trial of Jefferson Davis: An Interesting Constitutional
Question." Yale Law Journal 24 (1915): 669–676; Blackford, Charles M. "The Trials and Trial of Jefferson Davis." Southern
Historical Society Papers 29 (1901): 45–81; Bradley, Chester. "Was Jefferson Davis Disguised As a Woman When Captured?"
Journal of Mississippi History vol. 36 (Aug. 1974): 243–268; Fairman, Charles. Reconstruction and Reunion 1864–88.
Part I. New York: Macmillan, 1971; Hagan, Horace Henry. "United States vs. Jefferson Davis." Sewanee Review 25 (1917): 220–225;
William C. Davis, Jefferson Davis: The Man and His Hour, 1991); The Papers of Jefferson Davis at Rice University; Cooper,
William J. Jefferson Davis, Jefferson Davis: The Essential Writings ed. by William J. Cooper, 2003; Dunbar Rowland, ed., Jefferson
Davis: Constitutionalist; His Letters, Papers, and Speeches (10 vols., 1923); Jefferson Davis. The Rise and Fall of the Confederate
Government (1881; numerous reprints).